Module
6 The Executive
In this module, you will be able to:
The Philippines has adapted the presidential, unitary, and republican system of government. Under a presidential system of government, the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches are separate and distinct from each other. This means that each of the branches is bestowed with independent powers and responsibilities, and that each is expected to work in its own sphere. Such setting is guided by the principle of separation of powers (figure 6.1). While it is true that they are distinct from each other, one branch is granted powers to check on the others’ exercise of prescribed legal mandates. This constitutional provision is a guarantee which assures that one branch does not abuse its powers is known as the doctrine of checks and balances (figure 6.2). Remember, however, that while the branches of the government are guided by these principles, they also are expected to work and cooperate with each other in providing for the welfare of the citizens. In this module, the structure and organization, powers and responsibilities, and issues and challenges of the Philippine executive are discussed.
Fig. 6.1 Principle of separation of powers
Source: http://www.peo.gov.au/uploads/image_gallery/the-law/PEO_0701_separation-powers.jpg
Fig. 6.2 Principle of checks and balances
The Philippines, being a unitary and republican state, will be discussed later in the following modules.
Executive Power
Executive power is roughly defined as the power to implement laws in one’s given and defined jurisdiction. If the legislature’s task is to create or make laws while the judiciary’s duty is to interpret or apply these laws, the executive branch of the government is vested the power to execute these laws and make sure that they are properly implemented.
Big Idea
The President of the Republic of the Philippines is the most powerful elected official in our country. This means that, despite the mechanism of checks and balances, the President can influence other branches of the government (i.e., legislative and judicial).
The structure, organization, powers, responsibilities, and prohibitions of the executive branch are provided under Article VII of the 1987 Constitution. Section 1 states that the “executive power is vested in the President of the Philippines.”
What Have I Learned So Far?
1.What is the main function of the government’s executive branch? What power does it share with the legislative branch?
2.In what way are the executive, legislative, and judiciary branches independent in discharging functions and mandates? Why is it necessary for these branches to work and cooperate with one another?
Given this, the president is entrusted to execute laws, and control and administer government affairs. The president is also regarded as the government’s chief executive officer. But before we have an elaborate presentation of the specific powers of the president, first, it is necessary to look at the qualifications, manner of election, and terms of office of the president and the vice president.
Table 6.1. Qualifications, Election, and Terms of Office of the President and Vice President, as Provided for in the Article VII of the 1987 Constitution
| Public Official | Qualifications | Manner of Election | Term of Office |
| President |
1.A natural-born citizen 2.A registered voter 3.Able to read and write 4.At least 40 years of age on the day of the election 5.A resident of the Philippines for at least 10 years immediately preceding his or her election (Section 2) |
The president and vice president shall be elected by a direct vote of the people (Section 4)
The person having the highest number of votes (plurality method) shall be elected. |
Six years
The term begins at noon on June 30. The president shall not be eligible for reelection (Section 4, paragraph 1). |
| Vice President | Six years
The vice president shall not serve for more than two successive terms (Section 4, paragraph 1) |
Should there be any questions or contentions pertaining to the election process and results, the Supreme Court is mandated to settle questions about the election, returns, and qualifications of these officials. As provided by Article VII, Section 4: “the Supreme Court, sitting en banc, is the sole judge of all contests relating to the election, returns, and qualifications of the President or Vice President.” The Supreme Court serves therefore as the Presidential Electoral Tribunal.
The presidential election is held on the second Monday of May, unless otherwise provided by law. In case of a tie, the candidate who will win will be chosen by the vote of a majority of Congress (both Senate and House of Representatives), voting separately.
Big Idea
The President is not only the head of the executive department but of the entire country; hence he or she is referred to as the pangulo.
There are, however, instances when the position of president or vice president will be considered vacant. This is an issue of presidential succession and the constitution also has provisions regarding such circumstances. Specific legal mechanisms on the presidential succession is provided in Article VII of the constitution.
Beyond Walls 6.1 Read and Answer
Read the following provisions on presidential succession based on Article VII of the 1987 Constitution. Answer the questions that follow.
SECTION 7. The President-elect and the Vice-President-elect shall assume office at the beginning of their terms.
If the President-elect fails to qualify, the Vice-President-elect shall act as President until the President-elect shall have qualified.
If a President shall not have been chosen, the Vice-President-elect shall act as President until a President shall have been chosen and qualified.
If at the beginning of the term of the President, the President-elect shall have died or shall have become permanently disabled, the Vice-President-elect shall become President.
Where no President and Vice-President shall have been chosen or shall have qualified, or where both shall have died or become permanently disabled, the President of the Senate or, in case of his inability, the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall act as President until a President or a Vice-President shall have been chosen and qualified.
The Congress shall, by law, provide for the manner in which one who is to act as President shall be selected until a President or a Vice-President shall have qualified, in case of death, permanent disability, or inability of the officials mentioned in the next preceding paragraph.
SECTION 8. In case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of the President, the Vice-President shall become the President to serve the unexpired term. In case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of both the President and Vice-President, the President of the Senate or, in case of his inability, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, shall then act as President until the President or Vice-President shall have been elected and qualified.
The Congress shall, by law, provide who shall serve as President in case of death, permanent disability, or resignation of the Acting President. He shall serve until the President or the Vice-President shall have been elected and qualified, and be subject to the same restrictions of powers and disqualifications as the Acting President.
SECTION 9. Whenever there is a vacancy in the Office of the Vice-President during the term for which he was elected, the President shall nominate a Vice-President from among the Members of the Senate and the House of Representatives who shall assume office upon confirmation by a majority vote of all the Members of both Houses of the Congress, voting separately.
SECTION 10. The Congress shall, at ten o’clock in the morning of the third day after the vacancy in the offices of the President and Vice-President occurs, convene in accordance with its rules without need of a call and within seven days enact a law calling for a special election to elect a President and a Vice-President to be held not earlier than forty-five days nor later than sixty days from the time of such call. The bill calling such special election shall be deemed certified under paragraph 2, Section 26, Article VI of this Constitution and shall become law upon its approval on third reading by the Congress. Appropriations for the special election shall be charged against any current appropriations and shall be exempt from the requirements of paragraph 4, Section 25, Article VI of this Constitution. The convening of the Congress cannot be suspended nor the special election postponed. No special election shall be called if the vacancy occurs within eighteen months before the date of the next presidential election.
SECTION 11. Whenever the President transmits to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice-President as Acting President.
Whenever a majority of all the Members of the Cabinet transmit to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice-President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall reassume the powers and duties of his office. Meanwhile, should a majority of all the Members of the Cabinet transmit within five days to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Congress shall decide the issue.
For that purpose, the Congress shall convene, if it is not in session, within forty-eight hours, in accordance with its rules and without need of call.
If the Congress, within ten days after receipt of the last written declaration, or, if not in session, within twelve days after it is required to assemble, determines by a two-thirds vote of both Houses, voting separately, that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice-President shall act as the President; otherwise, the President shall continue exercising the powers and duties of his office.
SECTION 12. In case of serious illness of the President, the public shall be informed of the state of his health. The Members of the Cabinet in charge of national security and foreign relations and the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, shall not be denied access to the President during such illness.
Questions:
1.What are the powers of the vice president according to our constitution? Do you agree that he or she is just a “spare tire”?
2.What are the tasks given to the vice president in the current administration?
3.What is the rule of succession when there is a vacancy in the Office of the Vice President?
4.What is the role of the Philippine Congress in the executive succession of powers?
Powers of the President
The Philippine president is granted specific powers by the Constitution. The following are some of his or her powers:
What other powers of the president can you think of? List them and prepare to share them in class.
Reflect Upon
1.Why do we consider the president as the most powerful official in the country?
2.If you were elected as the President of the Philippines, what major political platform would you pursue?
Checks on the President’s Power
As what has been mentioned earlier, the branches of the government are given the ability to check on the other branches’ exercise of power. This will also provide political stability and prevent abuse of authority. Here are the ways on how the president’s exercise of power is checked.
Reflect Upon
In what instances did the president of the country abuse his or her power? Provide specific examples to illustrate your argument. You may ask your parents this question and listen to their answers. Share what you have found out with the class.
What Have I Learned So Far?
1.Create a mind map summarizing the powers of the president. Discuss how these powers can be related to each other.
2.Describe the relationship among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of the government? Are the legislative and judicial branches reinforcing the executive department?
Philippine Presidents during the Contemporary Period (Fifth Republic)
Before discussing the presidents of the Fifth Republic (post-Martial Law period) and the issues they encountered during their term of office, look at the time line below so that you would have an idea of the succession of power after 1986.
Fig. 6.3 The Presidents of the Fifth Republic
Corazon C. Aquino
President Corazon Aquino has been regarded as an icon of Philippine democracy. It was during her term that the Philippines found its way back to democracy and constitutionalism.
Her leadership directed redemocratization in the Philippines, that is, rebuilding of democratic political institutions that were abolished during Marcos’s time. It was under her administration that elections and other mechanisms for popular participation in governmental affairs—including political parties and the civil society—were restored. Definitely, her administration focused on the transition from authoritarianism to democracy. Apart from these, constitutionalism was also restored, wherein civilian authority was held supreme over the military and the independent and coequal branches of the government were created.
While Aquino’s government was characterized by bargain and compromise, there was important legislation that was passed such as the Local Government Code of 1991 (discussed in module 9). She also dealt with the issues and charges of human rights violations by the military during the Martial Law. Aquino, however, was not able to prosecute the involved military leaders because she needed their support for her administration to succeed. Still, her administration was disrupted by about seven coup attempts—an average of one per year. That definitely is politically unstable.
Aquino also initiated bureaucratic reforms. Apart from devolution of powers as provided by the Local Government Code of 1991, Regional Development Councils were created to work on economic and social planning. Reforms for accountability and transparency of public officials also took place. With regard to problems of counterinsurgency and peace and order, Aquino addressed these through the creation of Autonomous Regions (the Cordillera Administrative Region in 1987 and the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao in 1989) as provided by the 1987 Constitution.
Big Idea
The empowerment of local governments through the enactment of the Local Government Code of 1991 brought the government closer to the people.
Aquino’s presidency was not without criticisms. While she vowed to work on corruption and transparency, her administration would later on be criticized for its failure to stabilize democratic institutions and deliver basic services and allegations of corruption among her wealthy and influential relatives.
Big Idea
Every elected president has promised to enforce change for the better. However, improvements in the welfare of all individuals still remain elusive.
Fidel V. Ramos
President Fidel Ramos is known for his vision of Philippines 2000. His administration opened the Philippine economy to foreign investors, prompting increased investments in the country after Martial Law.
He consolidated the gains of redemocratization, whose foundations were laid by Aquino. Among his ideals was the Philippines 2000, which focused on political continuity and strong improvements in the economy. While skepticism about a possible declaration of martial law grew during his time, he respected the ideals enshrined in the constitution when he stepped down from the presidency for the 1998 general elections.
Ramos dealt well with the members of the Philippine legislature through the rainbow coalition strategy directed by then Speaker Jose de Venecia Jr. This strategy brought together various political parties to support the legislative agenda of the president.
Because of this harmonious relationship, significant legislation was passed through the Legislative Executive Development Advisory Council. But Ramos’s ability to deal well with the members of the Congress is not only attributed to the strong political leadership of the Lakas-NUCD, but also to his strong political skills, which he was able to develop as a former military general.
Big Idea
The Philippine Constitution is the main legal framework in the country. The president should uphold its sanctity while holding office.
However, just like his predecessor, Ramos was seen to be weak in prosecuting military rebels. While Ramos was credited for keeping the military within their constitutional limit, his inability to punish military personnel who violated human rights exhibited his dependence on this group as well. It was also in his administration that the Rebolusyonaryong Alyansang Makabansa-Soldiers of the Filipino People-Young Officers’ Union (RAM-SFP-YOU), and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) returned to the folds of law through peace talks.
Regarding bureaucratic reforms, Ramos continued modernization and capacity-building in the government. He also modernized the Armed Forces, the Commission on Elections, the Department of Justice, and the Sandiganbayan. To address the problems on peace and order, Ramos forged negotiations and peace agreements with rebel groups. If Aquino projected in the international arena the image of Filipino people power and return to democracy, Ramos pursued international relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and the United Nations (UN).
His administration was criticized for corruption, despite his efforts to promote transparency and accountability in the government. He was accused of corruption in the PEA-AMARI scam for favoring the said group in the Manila Bay reclamation deal, misuse of funds in the Centennial Expo, and the conversion of the parts of the military base in Fort Bonifacio to private or civilian use.
Joseph E. Estrada
Joseph Estrada was a former movie actor. He became known for his charisma and appeal to the masses. But because of plunder and corruption in the government, he was deposed and was succeeded by his vice president.
Estrada was known as the president of the masses. His campaign battle cry “Erap para sa mahirap” brought hope to the masa (lower class people) who saw him as the president who could relate to them. At the core of his government policies was addressing the problems of poverty, criminality, and corruption. He wanted to further democratize governance by being a roving president—holding offices in Visayas and in Mindanao. Aside from continuing the democratic consolidation, Estrada gave cause for constitutionalism when he answered questions against his administration during the impeachment complaint he faced in 2000.
Unlike the previous president, Estrada did not have a good rapport with the members of the 11th Congress. Later on, the House of Representatives, through Speaker Manuel Villar, obtained the required signatures for Estrada’s impeachment. Estrada also pleased and displeased members of the military after suspending the modernization of the Armed Forces and cutting its financial resources. He defended the move by saying that the government had to tighten its budget. It was also during Estrada’s administration when a total war against the Muslim terrorists and secessionist groups was launched. Nonetheless, he prioritized reforms in the law enforcement agencies and the judicial system to bring about peace and order.
Just like his predecessor who vowed to fight graft and corruption, Estrada failed to address this systemic problem. In fact, his administration was rocked with the unending issues of diversion of funds and plunder by government officials. Ultimately, he was charged of four counts of corruption. He was eventually deposed in 2001 when the Filipino people called for his resignation in the EDSA People Power II.
Big Idea
The president is the representative of the people in the government. Therefore, he or she must uphold the welfare of every citizen in the country.
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
A former member of the Congress, President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo rose to power in the EDSA People Power II when she, as vice president, assumed the country’s top governmental post after Estrada was ousted. In 2004, she was elected for a fresh presidential term, where she served until 2010, amid issues of massive electoral fraud against Fernando Poe Jr. Her primary agenda was known as the Strong Republic.
Credited for bringing the trust of the international arena back to the Philippine government, Arroyo continued democratic consolidation during the term of Estrada. Legislative-executive relations were definitely excellent during the time of Arroyo because unlike her predecessor, she was more familiar and skillful in dealing with the members of the Congress. While impeachment complaints were attempted due to the issue of massive electoral fraud during the 2004 elections—infamously known as the “Hello Garci” scandal—it did not prosper as she was supported by her allies in the Congress.
Learning from the past experiences of the previous presidents and the Oakwood Mutiny that challenged her administration, she appointed several retired military officers in her administration while keeping a close watch over the military’s needs so as not to disappoint them.
In spite of bureaucratic reform during her administration, Arroyo was criticized for appointing political allies to vital governmental offices. There also was a weak reform in the justice system, the Commission on Elections, and the Bureau of Internal Revenue. While she declared to fight graft and corruption in her first State of the Nation Address (SONA), introduced several key strategies, and even established new anti-corruption agencies during her administration (following the onset of the Fertilizer Scam and the NBN-ZTE scandal), questions about the effectiveness of these policies and institutions were raised. Arroyo faced graft and corruption cases filed against her during the administration of President Benigno C. Aquino III.
Benigno C. Aquino III
Benigno C. Aquino III’s rise to power started when the people called for him to run as president months after his mother, former President Corazon Aquino, died in 2009. In 2010, he won the presidential election and became the 15th president of the country. Aquino began his efforts to get rid of a corruption-laden government via the campaign slogan “Daang Matuwid.” His SONA focused on governance reform and anti-corruption.
Good governance reforms were established, including the reformation of procurement and budgeting processes to ensure efficiency and to reduce opportunities for corruption. While others believe that the impeachment of the late Chief Justice Renato Corona in 2011 was politically motivated him being an Arroyo appointee, the Aquino administration believed it was part of the reform for accountability and restoration of integrity.
The Aquino administration’s efforts to address systemic corruption have received favorable commendations from both international and local organizations, which resulted in the improvement of the country’s performance on corruption and political stability. However, the Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) scam rocked the administration’s efforts toward “Daang Matuwid” and its promise of good governance, greater transparency, and accountability.
Big Idea
The desire to create a legacy in governance has been the trend and practice among all elected presidents. When current presidents scrap the policies of previous administrations, discontinuity and instability may result.
In 2012, the Philippines experienced one of its highest economic growth rates. The first quarter GDP of 2013 was at 7.8%, up from 6.8% in 2012 and 3.6% in 2011. Fitch Ratings, Standard and Poor’s, and Japan Credit Rating Agency have also rated the Philippines at the investment grade level. Similarly, the World Economic Forum ranked the Philippines 65th in the Global Competitiveness Index, up from 85th in 2010.
Like in previous administrations, Aquino was challenged by the search for an enduring solution to the peace problem in the southern part of the country. In October 2012, the government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) signed a peace agreement. The agreement served as the arranged framework that would create an autonomous political entity called Bangsamoro, which will replace the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). The bill, called the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), that would have established this political entity was not passed because it was challenged with strong public opposition after the Mamasapano incident in Maguindanao, where 44 PNP Special Action Force commandos were killed after a “misencounter” with the Moro rebels.
Aquino’s administration also saw a reform in the education sector after the Enhanced Basic Education Act of 2013 was signed. The law institutionalized the K to 12 Basic Education Program, an expanded curriculum which aimed to decongest the curriculum of the previous basic education program, and make it at par with regional and international standards. Despite the aims of the reform, several groups pointed out that the government should have addressed first the lack of classrooms, textbooks, and other resources instead of adding two years in the basic education.
Finally, the Aquino administration was very outspoken in defending the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity in the West Philippine Sea, after China’s claims in sovereign rights. In January 2013, the government initiated arbitral proceedings under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Ultimately, on 12 July 2016, the Philippines won the arbitration case against China over the West Philippine Sea after the United Nations Arbitral Tribunal ruled China’s “nine-dash line” claim invalid.
Rodrigo R. Duterte
Before being elected as president, Rodrigo Duterte was the longest-serving local chief executive of Davao City for a total of seven terms. Running with the campaign slogan “Change is Coming”—primarily with a platform of having a corruption-free government and crime-and drug-free society—Duterte won as president with a total of 16 601 997 votes or 39% of the total votes cast in the May 2016 elections.
In his promise to stamp out corruption and criminality, he said: “I will be strict. I will be a dictator, no doubt it; but only against forces of evil—criminality, drugs, and corruption in government.” Having successfully rallied the campaign under these themes, Duterte, however, has been criticized for the absence of a coherent socioeconomic policy during this period. Known for his inflammatory comments, he has also long been besieged by allegations of ties to several death squads, extrajudicial killings, and human rights violations.
Based on the eight-point economic agenda of Duterte released on 12 May 2016, the administration is set to continue the previous administration’s policies. The following are the targets:
1.Continue and maintain the current macroeconomic policies. Reforms in tax revenue collection efforts will be complemented by reforms within the bureaucracy of tax collecting agencies.
2.Accelerate spending on infrastructure by addressing major bottlenecks, and maintain the target of setting aside 5% of the country’s gross domestic product (GDP) to infrastructure spending.
3.Ensure attractiveness of the Philippines to foreign investors, and enhancing competitiveness in doing business in the country. This also means reducing crime to attract investors, and increase security of businessmen and consumers.
4.Provide support services to small farmers to increase productivity and improve market access. Provide irrigation and better support services to farmers. Promote tourism in the rural areas.
5.Address bottlenecks in our land administration and management system.
6.Strengthen basic education system, and provide scholarships for tertiary education, which are relevant to private employers’ needs.
7.Improve tax system by indexing tax collection to inflation rate, “to enable those who earn a little to have more in their pockets.”
8.Expand and improve implementation of the conditional cash transfer (CCT) program.
In his first SONA delivered at the opening of the 17th Congress, Duterte focused as well on his campaigns for good governance, peace and order, women’s rights, and transparency. Moreover, the president has been very vocal about the administration’s war against drugs despite having been heavily criticized for the killings associated with his campaign.
What Have I Learned So Far?
1.Choose three presidents in the past that share the same qualities of leaderships and governance policies. Create a slogan that will represent their similarities.
2.Choose a president who was able to create a tremendous improvement in Philippine society. Describe at least one program in his or her administration to specify your answer.
Reflect Upon
Why do you think Filipinos still vote for a leader who possesses fame rather than the proven capability to govern the country? Cite a specific Filipino behavior to support your point.
Issues, Prospects, and Challenges
Prominent sociologist and political analyst Randy David (2004) claimed, “A strong republic is a political order that rests on strong institutions rather than on charismatic or benevolent leaders. It draws its life from the participation and submission to authority of mature citizens rather than from any ability to buy or coerce the loyalty of powerless subjects. It is a system of rational administration based on legal authority.” Truly, as to leadership, accountability, and integrity, political patronage and electoral fraud still characterize much of post-EDSA Philippine politics. Although major reforms on good governance have been institutionalized, there have been limited changes, results, and improvements to be observed.
Big Idea
Philippine politics can be characterized by patronage and the concept of pakikisama and utang na loob. These factors are repugnant to any true democracy and good governance.
For instance, the inability of past administrations to punish erring members of the military possibly points to the president’s need to back his or her political survival and longevity through the support of the military. Questions on transparency and accountability remain to be among the most important challenges the presidents of the Fifth Republic face. To whom are the presidents really accountable—to the people who elected them or to the specific groups that supported (financial help included) them during the election period? Aside from these issues, the use of personality appeal to win votes (including the use of celebrity appeal, otherwise known as “celebrification” of politics) still very much characterizes the country’s political landscape. In fact, presidents during the post-Martial Law period have used this kind of appeal to gain mass support.
In contemporary Philippine politics, democracy and development can be intertwined. According to Tadem (2006), restoration and consolidation of democracy, constitutionalism and rule of law, public accountability, and human development are at the core of the Philippine president’s crucial mandates. Alongside, economic growth, peace process, welfare, human rights, and the Philippines’ place in the globalization process are among the key issues a president must work on. If the culture of patronage and the issue of corruption are not addressed, is it necessary therefore to direct structural and institutional reforms? For example, should the country change its system from presidential to parliamentary? This remains a challenge not only for the current but also for the future administrations.
Beyond Walls 6.2 Apply It in Real Life
You are the leader of a youth organization in the Philippines. As the election is approaching, you have been requested by the National Youth Commission (NYC), the lead agency on youth development in the country, to conduct a seminar titled “Leadership Qualities of a Philippine President.” Your task is to produce a project proposal containing the program and a narrative report of the program implementation. You may ask your classmates as the audience during the conduct of your seminar. Your work will be assessed by the director of NYC and will be evaluated based on relevance to the theme and clarity of presentation. Be guided by the following details:
Program Proposal
1.Title of the program
2.Objectives
3.Speakers and background
4.Schedule
5.Logistics
Narrative Report
1.Program description
2.Objectives
3.Feedback from the audience
4.Lessons
Extend Your Knowledge
For a comprehensive profile of the past Philippine Presidents and interesting topics about Malacañang, the official residence of the President, visit http://malacanang.gov.ph/presidents/ and http://malacanang.gov.ph/about/malacanang/. Meanwhile, the website http://www.gov.ph/aquino-administration/ will give you a comprehensive discussion of Benigno C. Aquino III administration’s accomplishments.
For an excellent reading of the issues, prospects, and challenges to the Philippine executive, you may check pages 117-152 and 179-215 from Tadem and Morada’s (eds.) Philippine Politics and Governance: An Introduction (Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press, 2006).
Essential Learning
You have learned in this module the nature of executive power. It is the power of the executive branch to implement the laws created by the legislature. Under Article VII, Section 1 of the 1987 Constitution, executive power is vested in the President of the Philippines. The constitution provides qualifications and prohibitions to the president, but equally important are the political skills and the political will needed in addressing key issues in the government—from social welfare, economic development, public accountability, transparency, to good governance, among many others. The Philippine president is challenged by the culture of patronage and the use of popularity appeal rather than programs-based stance and reforms. The extent to which the succeeding presidents address these issues determines the strength of their administrations and the type of legacies they will leave to the Filipino people.